Gradually strengthening of liberating fight in the Netherlands against Spain put the English government before need of adoption of important political decisions. Giving the chance to volunteers from England to join the ranks of “sea gez” and William of Orange’s troops, in London at the same time were afraid that progress of insurgents will promote invasion of the French troops into the southern Netherlands — to Flanders. And it as considered the English government, was even more undesirable, than even victories of the duke Alba. At the beginning of June, 1572 Berli made the memorandum on a Flanders question which is perhaps intended for his colleagues from Privy Council. This memorandum shows, by the way, how directly investigation was placed in service of the current problems of diplomacy. In the memorandum such measures as a zasylka of agents were provided in Flessingen and Bril for clarification of moods of the population and inspection of defensive constructions, the direction of authorized representatives to the count Ludwig Nasausky and in Cologne — for definition of intentions of the German princes. The task to define whether Alba is able to oppose to an impact of French was at the same time fixed. If from was so, both parties were granted the right to solve the disputes if is not present, then for avoidance of transition to the French hands of Flanders ports it was necessary to report to the Spanish deputy about intention of England to come to the rescue to it confidentially. From “the bloody duke” it was only necessary to ask assurances that he will exempt inhabitants of Flanders from intolerable oppression and щ will enter inquisition. Soon the news of a bloody Massacre of St. Bartholomew in Paris which caused big excitement among the English Protestants came. Explanations of the French ambassador Lamothe Fenelon that Huguenots were punished for plot against legitimate authority, but not for the belief, and his appeals to preservation of the allied relations were given by Elizabeth and lord Berli very a cold reception. Fenelon protested against the secret English help to rebels Protestants La-Rocheli. In the fall of 1572 Berli obviously began to consider desirable the partial agreement with Philip II. In 1568 the English pirates seized the Spanish ships, loaded precious metals. Spaniards answered with confiscation of the British property in the Netherlands, and Elizabeth’s government, in turn, appropriated the Spanish property in England. The balance of these mutual actions was reduced in general with big deficiency for Spain even if not to consider “additional” capture by the British pirates in English Channel and Strait of Dover still of many Spanish ships. Due to this production Elizabeth could indemnify the damage suffered by the English merchants whose goods were lost in the Netherlands at the same time also the royal treasury was not forgotten at all. Alba, eternally needing money for payment of mercenaries, sold out the withdrawn British goods. To put it briefly, as a result of these operations at a loss there were only Spanish merchants, and both high plundering parties did not see the reasons for special displeasure. British first did not hurry with the agreement which could interfere with further profitable trade of their piracy vessels. But eventually the desire to restore the interrupted traditional trade with the Netherlands got the best and led to signing of the Nimegensky convention on this question in April, 1573. Alba’s replacement on the deputy’s post with more careful Rekesens weakened intensity in the Anglo-Spanish relations, however, only temporarily even more — political goals of both powers were too irreconcilable. Nevertheless after the conclusion of the Nimegensky convention it seemed that the English policy gets obviously prois-pansky list. In July, 1574 to London there arrived as the messenger of good will the Spanish diplomat Bernardi-no de Mendoza. Mendoza was expected by magnificent reception; he conducted long negotiations with the chief advisers to the queen — an erla, Leyster, Hetton. It was presented with the rich on – arches — gold chains, horses and hunting dogs. But secret war against Spain did not stop, Berli’s hordes, despite the become frequent gout attacks, rodolzhat even personally to direct the English razvedchi-a sent abroad. Among them a certain John Li whose reports remained in the English state archive deserves a soby mention. If to trust Li’s certificate, he was a native of the average nobility, the solid merchant who emigrated ‘Antwerp in the late sixties after some scandalous collision with the wife’s relatives. Li was Catholic and поэтомуЧ } ыл is elected for “work” among the English Catholic emigration in the Netherlands. There were leaders of recent Catholic revolt — the count Uestmorlend, Francis Norton and others who could become the tool of the Spanish intervention against England. The main task received by John Li was to convince the most influential people among emigrants to apologize to Elizabeth and to return home. Certainly, all this could not be to the taste to the Spanish authorities which, according to Li, were informed of his efforts. In October, 1572 the intelligence agent was seized, but managed to destroy before arrest the most compromising papers at the last minute. In April, 1573 Li appeared before the court. As the proof of its espionage occupations copies of letters to Berli appeared. The English government showed big eagerness this time to rescue the agent, having used favorable turn in the relations with Spain. Leyster wrote the personal letter to the duke Alba therefore Li was released. The future of the intelligence agent is unknown — silence of archives can mean that Berli lost interest in the agent after his exposure. It is not excluded that in the next years Li appeared in confidential papers under an assumed name. Added actions of the agency of Berli with establishment of personal correspondence with the count Uestmorlend, lord Henry Morley, Francis Engfild, Thomas Copley. By means of letters and separate services the smart minister of Elizabeth tried to convince the correspondents that he is their best friend among the queen’s confidants. But it did not limit activity of the English intelligence at all. Restoration externally normal if not friendly, the relations with Spain very much complicated communications of England with Dutches. The English volunteers battling on their party were recalled. Elizabeth even promised that if Alba sends the English emigrants, she will order to Dutch “rebels” to leave England. The queen repeatedly offered the mediation with the purpose to achieve the termination of armed struggle on the terms of restoration of the power of Philip II and recognition of ancient liberties of the Netherlands by it. Similar mediation of the German emperor led to convocation of conference in Brad (March, 1575) which terminated in failure and could hardly terminate differently. And the Spanish authorities in general politely refused the English services. War continued, and position of insurgents, appear, became critical. Therefore in case of refusal Elizabeth from the help to risen there were almost equally prospects, unpleasant for England — or establishment of the absolute power of Philip II over all Netherlands, or the request of Dutches for the help to French. Meanwhile it was difficult to keep in touch with geza through usual diplomatic channels — the English ambassador at the Spanish deputy Thomas Wilson told Berli that he constantly is under “a vigilant eye” of Rekesens. There were therefore only methods of secret diplomacy and a secret service. Signatures under the Nimegensky agreement as in Holland there was certain William Gerli who replaced “post” of the prison provoker with a position of the secret plomatichesky agent were not put yet. In May, 1573 Gerli returned with William of Orange’s letter to lord Berli containing a request for financial aid. A certain captain Chester who ordered group of the English volunteers earlier was one of active agents Berli in camp of insurgents in 1574. At the end of January, 1576 to London there arrived the ambassador Requesensa de Shampañi, the governor of Antwerp. Its purpose was to insist on the termination of the help to Dutches. Shampañi conducted long negotiations with Berli, every time changing opinion on intentions of England. The ambassador was accepted by the queen who unexpectedly burst in a tirade against the Netherlands Calvinists seeking to abolish the monarchy, and added that Philip II is the old friend and that she did not forget his protection for it during government of the queen Maria. After this audience of Shampañi did not know any more what to think, is, probably, and was the purpose of his regal interlocutor. In March he left empty-handed. To the Dutch representatives in London did not hold a magnificent reception, lord Berli had with them no affairs at all. Dutches had an opportunity to talk to the same William Gerli, and their business was to accept or not the councils given by so eloquent gentleman. On the other hand, who could forbid William Gerli to write about these meetings to the old benefactor lord Berli? To be fair it is worth noticing, as Dutches did not manage – to achieve firm promises about the help owing to indecision which usually in such cases covered Elizabeth. (However, according to the Spanish diplomats, these months sending the English ships, loaded arms and ammunition for the Dutch insurgents did not stop.) The next two-three years were time of large failures of Spaniards in the Netherlands, and at England the motives inducing it to hide the relations with William of Orange disappeared. However establishment of diplomatic contacts, certainly, did not stop activity of both the English, and Spanish intelligences. “Plot of Ridolfi” was only a link in a long chain of plots. Some of them were, however, provoked by the English intelligence which headed these decades — under the general aegis of lord Berli — Francis Uolsingem, the devout puritan, the supporter of uncompromising fight against Catholic illnesses of the English queen. Don involved in one of such plots (“Francis Trokmorton’s plot”) Mendoza was declared in January, 1584 “persona non grata” and left the British earth with threat: “Bør-nardino de Mendoza is given rise not to break tranquility, and to win others countries”. Mendoza moved to Paris where he to him, certainly, secretly arrived on service … his main opponent — the English salting sir Edward Stafford. At Lea since spring of 1587 sir Edward began to transfer — more precisely, to sell — to the Spaniard the classified information. Historians did not come to a consensus about whether Stafford on own initiative worked or fed Don Mendoza with false information at the request of the chief Francis Uolsingema. In England in a bigger measure, than in other countries, the century conflict induced the government to make special efforts to get support of public opinion. Propaganda war joined even the lord Berli who published in 1583 a lampoon “Implementation of the justice in England punishing not for religion, and for change”. In this composition it was proved that England fights not against Catholicism, and against claims of the father on the power over secular sovereigns. Any sovereign cannot suffer a claim of the governor of other state for implementation of the supranational Supreme power. In England even the Catholic queen Maria Tudor resolutely opposed it. The excommunication Elizabeth’s father from church was a form of declaration of war of England. Emissaries of Rome, in particular Jesuits, pursue at all not for the fact that they refuse to give satisfactory answers to so-called “bloody questions” (whether they believe that the father has the right to depose the queen of England from a throne whether there will be they in case of the overseas invasion aiming to carry out this deposition, to battle on the party of the father). They are pursued as traitors according to the existing laws. At the same time the fact that the Roman emissaries act not with a sword in a hand does not matter — if to argue differently, then it is possible “to recognize, as Judas was not a traitor as it came to Christ unaided and hid the change by means of a kiss”. In reply in 1584 the head of the English Catholic emigrants U. Allen published the lampoon entitled “True, sincere and moderate protection of the English Catholics”. Allen declared in him that statements as if Catholics are pursued in England not for their belief, are “a notorious lie”. In a lampoon it was proved that the English Catholics did not try to obtain the edition of the papal bull separating Elizabeth. At the same time the author of this composition defended a prerogative of the father to displace from the sovereign-heretic’s throne though it does not affect the right of Catholic monarchs at all. Allen demanded introduction of toleration in England, holding back, certainly, prosecution of Protestants in the Catholic countries. Both parties strongly deviated truth: Elizabeth’s government — assuring that it pursues Catholics not for belief, and for high treason, and Catholic authors — indignantly rejecting charge of the brothers in faith of treachery. All equally ignored the inconvenient facts. The English government considered Catholics as the enemies already only because I) their eyes deposed by the father and illegitimate, according to Rima, Elizabeth (she was a daughter of the second wife of Henry VIII whose divorce with the first spouse was not recognized by Rome) was not the lawful monarchess. And Allen and his adherents set as the purpose not so much the sermon of Catholic dogma, how many deposition of the heretic usurping the English throne. To understand who was an initiator of the main battles in secret war of the middle and the second half of the 80th years of the 16th century, is impossible, without representing all picture of development of the century conflict these years. And it for only several years changed radically and besides just where the destiny of this conflict was decided. In the Netherlands the bowl of scales strongly favored Spaniards. Thanks to a change of front the nobility southern, mainly Catholic, it was parts of the country Flanders under the power of Spaniards again. In France Don Mendoza turned into the secret adviser and the inspirer of actions of party of militant Catholics. The Catholic league created by them became, in essence, one of the organizations of the international camp of Counter-Reformation. As Giza were closely connected With Spain, possible replacement on the English throne of Elizabeth with their relative Maria Stewart would mean not strengthening of the French influence, but transformation of England and the vassal of the Spanish power. The memorandum made in 1583 which authorship was attributed to Allen drew England the country where two thirds of the population are opened or secretly sympathize with Catholics and only wait for an opportunity to dump a hated yoke of heretics. In England spies of “Jesus’s Society” aktivi-chirovatsya again. During discussion in parliament in 1584 and 1585 of the bill against Jesuits and other agents of the international Counter-Reformation the member of the House of Commons from Southampton Thomas Digs called them “the infernal dogs which are covered with a nice name of Jesus”. A little later Allen directly called the English Catholics if they value rescue of soul, not to battle for “the disgraceful, dissolute, damned, excommunicated heretic who is the Pomor for her floor and a monarchical dignity, the main embodiment of sinfulness and nasty things of our time …”, etc. Concerning England plans of Catholic camp were consolidated now to attempt with one blow to undermine its resistance to authorities of Counter-Reformation in the person of the universal monarchy Gabsburgov. And that such massive frontal attack for certain was crowned with success, the stab in the back what was urged to become new plot for the purpose of construction on Maria Stewart’s throne had to precede it. For the English government these plans were not and could not remain secret and not only thanks to successful activity of the British intelligence. It was easy to guess them for that simple reason that similar plots were based and earlier, for one and a half decades. However, before they were not carried out though the considerable number of conspirators laid down life on an executioner’s block in unsuccessful attempts to start actions. But at that time still was absent decisive condition of success — readiness of Madrid for the sake of Elizabeth’s deposition to risk the fleet and the Spanish army tempered in fights in Flanders. Now, when the victory in the Netherlands seemed close when prospects of Catholic league in France seemed the most iridescent, situation became perfect other. No risk seemed already unjustified as the victory over England became possible and achievement would turn it Western Europe into Habsburg protectorate. The objective situation and Philip II’s moods when they delivered it the confidential message of the Scottish Catholic queen, pining in captivity in England were that about 20 years. The message it was received at means of Don of Mendoza which connection with Maria Stewart was established through her agents of Thomas Morgan in Paris and Gilberta Dzhiforda” in England, acting in close contact with the French Embassy in London. Certainly, at the same time neither Mendoza, nor Thomas Morgan suspected Don that the courteous gentleman from Staffordshire Dzhilbert Dzhiford, despite the youth, was not the first year a double spy. And through it Uolsingem managed to fabricate the well-known “plot of Babington” which participants swore to kill Elizabeth and, the main thing, at first to adjust secret correspondence with Maria Stewart that would become the proof of approval of their plans by it. Agents of the royal minister not only made copies of letters, but, trained in art to forge handwritings probably added to the text what sir Francis wanted to see. And he wished to have the evidence that Maria Stewart directly and unambiguously approved intention to kill Elizabeth. It would create a convenient pretext for execution of the dangerous captive. And though for this reason some of Maria Stewart’s letters raise serious doubts in their authenticity, it hardly belongs to the messages sent by it to Philip II. May 26, 1586. the Scottish queen sends to Don Mendoza extremely risky answer to two of his letters. In it it expresses grief on the fact that her son Yakov ruling Scotland persists in commitment to Protestant heresy. Maria’s letter contains an important statement: “I decided that in case my son to my death does not return to a bosom of Catholic church (and on it there is very few hope while he is in Scotland), I concede and I bequeath the Rights for inheritance of this (the English. — Bus) crowns to the king, your mister provided that he from now on will take under the protection as me, and the state, and affairs of this country. Following a voice of own conscience, I cannot allocate with this responsibility of the sovereign, more jealous in upholding of our religion and more capable in every respect to restore it in this country as that is demanded by the highest interests of all Christian world” 7. In conclusion the queen asks to keep in strict secret her letter as if heretics in France learn about it, it will lead to loss of the inheritance which is due to Maria as the widow of the French king (Francis II), and in Scotland — to a final gap with her son. Extreme danger to which the queen subjected herself, having sent this letter and about which directly in it it is told, forced certain historians to doubt authenticity of it poslaniya8. However, it was a forgery or not, how the Spanish side reacted to it was important. Mendoza hasty notified Philipp on Maria Stewart’s letter and recommended to act resolutely in its advantage. And Philip II, having left former fluctuations, cast lots. On July 18 he writes Don Mendoza: “I was glad to receive the copy of the letter to you the Scottish queen together with your letter of June 26. My respect for it strongly increased owing to what it notifies me in this letter on, and increased my devotion to its interests which I always felt. All this not so much from what was told by it in my advantage (though I am very grateful for her words), how many because she subordinates the love to the son which could avert it from service to the Lord, general welfare of the Christian world and England. You can report all this from my name and assure her that if it follows the way which is correctly elected by her, then as I hope, the Lord will reward it return of lawful possession to it. You add that I will be very glad to take under protection her and its interests as she asks that. You keep this business in secret according to her desire” 9. The king ordered to deliver to Maria the considerable sum of money also. The statement of the letter of Philipp was transmitted through Morgan (and consequently, at kind means Dzhiforda and “companies”) to the Scottish queen. At the same time, in July, 1586, Don Mendoza was visited by the English Catholic priest Bollard who informed the ambassador about preparation of plot for the purpose of killing Elizabeth and restoration of Catholicism in England. Bollard seeking to find out whether conspirators can count on the help to Spain, was a Catholic fanatic, but not the hired provoker as some of his closest accomplices. Then, on July 26, already being devoted in all plans of conspirators, Maria Stewart sends the new letter to Don Mendoza: “It is especially pleasant to me to be convinced that Catholic (Spanish. — Years.) the king, my kind brother, begins to counteract the plots and attempts from the queen of England directed against him, and not because of the benefits which I expect from it for myself personally, but mainly because of maintenance by the king of his reputation in the Christian world that affects me especially strongly” °. Maria reported further that she ceased to indulge in despondency, having learned about Philip II’s intention as situation was changed radically now. However, for Maria it terminated in exposure of her role in the “plot of Babington” (which was in practice in the basis police provocation) which the court and death on a scaffold followed. In 10 days after Maria’s execution Bernardino de Mendoza, alternating hypocritical sighs with clear satisfaction, wrote: “As the Lord for the sake of the purposes wished that these damned people made this act, is absolutely clear that its intention is to transfer both kingdoms (England and Scotland. — Bus) in hands of your majesty””. By this time Philipp already had Maria’s letter in which she deprived of a right of succession of the son Yakov and appointed the successor the Spanish king. In addition to it Philip II’s claims could be supported Also with his rights as the spouse of the queen Maria Tudor who died almost in three decades before … If the “plot of Babington” which helped not only to English, but also in a sense the Spanish government, was fabricated by Francis Uolsingema’s agents, then other plots were undoubtedly original, and threads from them steadily lasted in the Spanish Embassy, in Jesuit seminaries in Belgium or Italy where the English Catholic emigrants were trained. Plots did not stop before the beginning of the 17th century. If Maria Stewart and Philip II — the live embodiments of the most century conflict, then its confidential diplomacy was so distinctly reflected in the image of Don of Bernardino Mendoza mentioned above. The ambassador in England (in the first half of the 80th years), the organizer of plots (after failure next of which he had to leave London), Mendoza with not smaller eagerness was engaged in incitement of religious wars. He is the secret organizer of Catholic league in France; agents of Don of Mendoza, the head of the English Jesuits in England father Parsons and their colleague actively were active in Amsterdam and Copenhagen, Stockholm and Warsaw — everywhere where Counter-Reformation spun the networks. In the center of its attention Germany, especially again moved forward as there were less real plans of a victory in other countries. Charles V’s successors — Ferdinand (1558 — 1564) and Maximilian II (1564 — 1576) tried to maintain the Augsburgsky religious peace, considering it necessary for preservation of the “tranquility” especially important at the Turkish threat. Fast distribution of the Reformation in hereditary possession Gabsburgov, especially in the Czech Republic and in that part of Hungary which remained under their power was feature of a situation along with increase of influence of Protestant principalities in the north. Thus, the heresy got into those lands, leaning on which Austrian Gabsburgi first of all could expect to resume fight for strengthening of the power of the emperor of the German empire. It generated attempts of the Vienna yard to keep a certain degree of religious tolerance in own possession to use their resources for the benefit of Counter-Reformation in Germany and Europe in general. “Infection” concerned even the imperial house. The archduke and future emperor Maximilian II seriously favored the Reformation. He read theological compositions of Lutherans, corresponded with the duke Vyurtembergsky and other Protestant princes. Among his confidants there were Lutherans, and he even thought of renunciation and moving to possession of the Protestant Elector Palantinat Fridikh III if that agrees to grant it a shelter. Only in 1561 he swore to live and die a bosom of Catholic church. However, when in 1576 came to it it is time to die, he died, without having joined sacred secrets — the terrible fact, from the point of view of the believing Catholics. “Unfortunate died as lived” — the Spanish ambassador from Vienna informed. The line Austrian Gabsburgov caused obvious disapproval in Madrid and serious quarrels with Rome. It seemed pernicious to camp of militant Catholicism, especially to Jesuits. Feverishly trying to expand the influence, spreading the seminaries and colleges, filling Germany with propaganda literature, Jesuits with alarm watched progress which were gained by Protestantism in the Rhine areas and even in Bavaria and Austria which were considered as support of Catholic party. The introduction on an imperial throne of Rudolf II (1576 — 1612) allowed Jesuits to turn gradually policy Austrian Gabsburgov towards repressions and a direct antagonism with the Reformation. Having before local value, disputes between the German princes were considered through a prism of the century conflict, acceptance by any of monarchs of Protestantism or, on the contrary, return to Catholicism now — as violation of balance of forces between both camps. In 1582 the archbishop Cologne declared himself the Calvinist — accession him to Protestant Electors gave them overweight in the board electing the emperor of the Sacred Roman Empire. Besides, transition of Cologne to the party of the Reformation of moneychangers the ratio of forces in Northern Germany adjoining the Northern Netherlands in the heat of their fight against Spain is sharper. The father and the emperor declared deposition of the archbishop. It did not get support from other Protestant princes, and the Cologne archbishopric was occupied with the Spanish troops which intruded from the Southern Netherlands. In the 80th years in the similar way it was succeeded to turn into Catholic belief considerable part of Northwest Germany again.